
Monday, May 19, 2008
This morning, the Supreme Court ruled that a law that outlaws promoting or advertising -- "pandering" -- child pornography is constitutional and does not interfere with First Amendment freedoms. In the case, United States v. Williams, decided 7-2, the justices declared that there is no free speech right that protects "offers to provide or requests to obtain child pornography," even if (in fact) there is no pornography to be provided. Free speech expert and blogger Eugene Volokh explains that the case is actually more interesting than a simple child pornography case, as the court has, in his reading, recognized that the First Amendment does not protect solicitations (or offers) to commit a crime. He writes: "[t]rying to buy illegal drugs, for instance, by soliciting someone to
sell them to you is generally a criminal attempt even if the solicited
seller was only going to deliver fake drugs rather than real ones." Wendy Kaminer wrote about this case on The Free For All back in November.
Friday, November 30, 2007
By Harvey Silverglate
I was reminded of the convoluted mish-mash that First Amendment law has become (thanks, in large measure, to courts not taking seriously the First Amendment's admonition that the legislature "shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press") after I read Geoff Edgers' article in yesterday's Boston Globe.
Edgers reports that painter Kurt Kauper's paintings of iconic athletes in the nude – including Boston Bruins hockey players Bobby Orr and Derek Sanderson, among others – have been featured at important art institutions and in prestigious galleries. Edgers is careful to report that these paintings derived solely from the artist's imagination; neither Orr nor Sanderson, nor Kauper's other "subjects," actually posed for the painter, whether nude or clothed. One theme running through Edgers' profile of Kauper and his work is whether the subject of such an imaginary portrait has any legal claims or rights against the artist.
Boston entertainment and copyright lawyer George Tobia, Jr., told Edgers that "there's a First Amendment right to artistic expression," and that as a result Kauper (and other artists with similar subjects in mind – or on canvas) might realistically encounter a legal problem were he to try to exploit the athlete's image for commercial purposes, such as by reprinting the image on t-shirts or post-cards and then selling them. But merely to paint the image of a public figure – and presumably to sell the painting, though Tobia does not address this – is constitutionally protected.
While Tobia correctly notes the First Amendment's protection of art, the answer isn't as simple as the Globe's summary of his explanation makes it seem. Imagine an artist who paints a portrait of a clergyman in his birthday, where the artist has extrapolated, from the clergyman's clothed image, what he might look like nude. Would the painter be liable for defamation if he did not make it sufficiently clear, in some way, that the clergyman subject did not actually appear in the flesh for a nude portrait? It's reasonable to think that a professional athlete might not have as strong a defamation claim as a clergyman; after all, some athletes would proudly display their various physical endowments to their adoring fans – more so, one assumes, than clergymen. This factor is especially strong in today's media- and publicity-heavy society, in which the image of the athlete's body is indelibly linked to his or her performance. But it's possible to consider counterexamples – Red Sox pitcher Curt Schilling might be one – who cultivate a "family values" image more than a "virile jock" image. For Schilling, his reputational interest against nude images of himself could conceivably make a stronger case in a defamation lawsuit than the reputational interest of, for example, Olympic swimmer Michael Phelps.
For Phelps, whose work attire consists of goggles and a Speedo, any reputational interest in avoiding (fictional) "revealing" images of his (imagined) body would likely be undermined by the fact that a Speedo doesn't leave much to the imagination. He would be hard-pressed to argue that a nude portrait, even where the artist failed to note that the subject did not pose in the buff, would alter any "family values" aspect of his image or reputation (as it presumably would in the Schilling example) substantially more than a Sports Illustrated portrait of him in a Speedo would. Of course, this is an extreme example, as Orr and Sanderson wore pads and jerseys, not performance swimwear. But it's easy to picture how similar scenarios might play out.
And while Attorney Tobia is correct in noting that the painter could be in trouble if he were to put the athlete's picture on a post-card and capitalize on the subject's fame – assuming there is a market niche for nude portraits of famous athletes, even when the specific contours arise from out of the painter's imagination – there are more subtle questions that could arise. What if the painting were featured in a museum exhibition, and the athlete's nude image were on the cover of the show's catalogue, which was then reproduced thousands of times and even sold commercially, as some museum show catalogues are?
The fact is that intellectual property, as well as defamation law, poses real headaches to artists seeking to exercise their artistic freedom – which is protected, in theory, by the First Amendment. Photographers have long experienced this problem – taking a photograph of a street scene and then receiving a letter from the lawyer of some subject standing on the street, captured in the photograph, seeking either compensation or a cease-and-desist order against circulation of the photograph. But these threats to artistic freedom, arising in particular out of street scenes, are frequently without merit. Photographers may find solace in a recent New York court decision, Nussenzweig v. DiCorcia, in which the court threw out a privacy lawsuit and agreed that street photographs, which clearly identify a man walking down a street and were taken without the subject's permission, are protected by the First Amendment even when they are later sold – so long as they were taken as art, and not intended to advertise a product or sell something other than the image itself. To that end, the court noted that "first amendment protection of art is not limited to only starving artists."
Some states provide more onerous restrictions on artists than others, usually under the guise of protecting the subjects who are claiming a property right in their own image or likeness. California, for example, has a robust "right of publicity", which people can invoke in order to control how their image is used. (This is no surprise, given the number of movie stars in that state who vote and make campaign contributions.) However, other courts around the country have limited the right to control one's image as a means of controlling publicity, given the obvious tension with the First Amendment's protection of free artistic expression. In 2003, a California court rejected rock guitarists Edgar and Johnny Winter’s lawsuit against D.C. Comics for publishing a comic book that depicted their bodies as being half-man, half-worm. The court explained that the comic book contained "not just conventional depictions of [the Winter brothers] but contain significant expressive content other than plaintiffs’ mere likenesses."
The defamation problem, coupled with the "right of publicity," are legal issues that could give legitimate artists like Kauper headaches. Life might be easier if the courts interpreted the First Amendment's admonition that "Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech" as meaning, literally, none at all. But it's simply not that easy. After all, the Constitution's copyright clause provides for laws granting the creators of intellectual property a legal ownership interest in that property. The occasional conflict between First Amendment rights, copyright interests, and an individual's private property right to his or her own image has caused many a judge to scratch his head, and many a lawyer to offer advice hedged with qualifications.
Wednesday, September 12, 2007
Court tv called it the “stupid story of the week:" 51 year old San Francisco carpenter Percy Honniball was arrested and charged with indecent exposure for working in the nude. He’d been caught engaging in naked carpentry at a client’s home after a neighbor spotted him nakedly sawing wood in the backyard.
This is indeed an amusingly “stupid story,” but only because Honniball was acquitted last week. California’s indecent exposure law requires exposing yourself in the presence of other people “to be offended or annoyed,” and Honnibal worked nude simply because “it’s more comfortable,” he said, not in order to offend or annoy anyone. Had Honniball drawn a less discriminating judge and been convicted, however, he would have been subject to a maximum prison sentence of one year and a lifetime of surveillance and drastically limited liberties: as a convicted indecent exposer, Honniball would have been required to register as a sex offender, in which case this would still have been a stupid story, but hardly an amusing one.
The gross idiocies and injustices of sex offender registration laws have long been evident and are regularly exposed, with no apparent effect on their popularity. Their broad reach captures gay men engaged in consensual sex, teenagers barely past the age of consent who haplessly violate statutory rape laws by having sex with their slightly younger peers, and people guilty merely of viewing pornography or idly exposing themselves, while threatening no one. In nearly half the states, convicted sex offenders are subject to onerous permanent residency requirements and travel restrictions that effectively exile them from civil society, with no apparent benefit it to anyone but the usual bunch of demagogic politicians.
Myths about the high recidivism rates of sex offenders and the dangers posed to children by people who have nothing to do with pedophilia, along with general hysteria about sex and nudity, help spread these laws, which promise to become worse. A recently enacted federal statute, the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act, includes financial penalties for states that decline to pass repressive sex offender registration requirements.
That a carpenter who likes to work naked was nearly subject to such requirements is a lot more chilling than laboring bare-assed in the San Francisco fog. Honniball’s acquittal should not be construed as a sign that the system worked: his prosecution for a sex offense signals that the system is insane.
Friday, August 31, 2007
Half naked women are common sights in city streets every summer (and all year round in warmer climes.) We argue about whether this skimpy, sexualized public attire represents the rise or fall of feminism, but there’s virtually no dispute about its legality. So when municipalities start criminalizing baggy, underwear exposing jeans, generally associated with young black males, you know legislators are motivated by something other than a concern for decency. Young white women are not arrested for letting their bra straps show (in addition to a fair amount of flesh.) But as the New York Times recently reported, in some localities, young black males may be arrested for showing their boxers. Yes, baggy jeans are condemned for imitating prison wear and glamorizing prison culture, as Times story stresses – but that simply means that they’re worn to send a message, (however disturbing or offensive,) which only makes banning them all the more illegal. In a culture preoccupied with fashion “statements,” the expressive nature of clothing is difficult to deny. When clothing is condemned precisely because authorities don’t like the statement it makes, the offense to the constitution is clear. I hope these laws are challenged. Courts may overlook some restrictions on clothing in public schools, (the Supreme Court has recently cut back on student rights,) but I like to think that even this Court would hesitate to approve clothing restrictions in public streets. In America, as opposed to, say, Iran, we’re not supposed to take the job of clothing police so literally.
It’s long been apparent from Mitt Romney’s opportunistic political career that he lacks both courage and conviction (except perhaps for a sincere belief in his own goodness and entitlement to power.) So his swift and spineless denunciations of Larry Craig are no surprise, although as Harvey stresses in his post below, the comparison of Romney to both Lyndon Johnson and Barry Goldwater, who made a principled decision not to engage in gay bashing given a similar opportunity (in a much less tolerant era,) is instructive. (Covering the story in Slate, John Dickerson notes, “Mitt, You’re no Barry Goldwater.”)
Still, even in the wake of Romney’s gratuitous description of Craig as “disgusting,” I can’t quite bring myself to feel sorry for the embarrassed, soon to be former Senator, given his entirely voluntary participation in a regime that denies gay people the rights and respect he enjoys as at least a faux heterosexual. There’s some rough justice in his ensnarement in the web of homophobic laws and customs that he helped weave.
It is, however, hard to ignore the underlying injustice of a legal system that sends police officers into public bathrooms, hoping that some unfortunate gay males will solicit them. Why should it be illegal for adults to seek out sexual partners in public bathrooms, or other spaces? Should we start arresting people in singles bars? Should heterosexuals be forbidden to meet and engage in their own coded sexual come-ons in public parks, beaches, or airline terminals? Should we assign police officers to Amtrak trains in the Northeast corridor to ensure that no strangers begin conversations in Boston that seem likely to lead to sex in New York?
Defenders of the sting that stung Craig may reply that it’s public sex, not public pickups, that are legitimate public concerns. Maybe so. Engaging in public sex, you effectively appropriate a public space, by strongly discouraging other people from using it, (although, personally, I’d rather picnic near a couple having sex than a couple with a boom box.) But Craig wasn’t arrested for engaging in sex; he was arrested for signifying an interest in engaging in sex. If laws against that were enacted and indiscriminately enforced, than even Mitt Romney would likely have broken them.
Thursday, June 07, 2007
Language policing suffered a setback this week: a federal appeals court struck down a new Federal Communications Commission indecency policy imposing sanctions on the broadcast of occasional or “fleeting" expletives. The FCC has long held the inappropriate power to regulate “dirty words,” pursuant to a famous 1975 Supreme Court decision upholding the sanctioning of a provocative George Carlin radio monologue; but that decision was interpreted narrowly so as not to prohibit occasional or isolated utterances. During the Bush Administration, the FCC changed its policy, rather abruptly, and in the view of the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals, rather illegally: The Court held that Fox could not be fined because Cher uttered the word “fuck” during a music awards show, while Nicole Ritchie used the words “shit” and “fucking,” and that NBC could not be fined because Bono described his Golden Globe Award as “fucking brilliant.”
Yes, federal judges should have weightier matters to ponder than Nicole Ritchie’s vocabulary, but blame the FCC for making a federal case of it. Or blame Congress for giving federal bureaucrats the power to decide what words broadcasters may and may not air and the discretion to impose prohibitive fines that make even media conglomerates shudder. Or blame the obsession with the “dirty” or “hateful” words shared by virtually all censors, right and left. Liberals who think words like “kike,” “nigger,” or “cunt” should be unprintable ought to refrain from mocking conservatives who want to ban the words “fuck” and “shit.”
To people obsessed with “indecency,” the broadcast of these common expletives is a very unfunny, virtual assault on America’s families. FCC Chair Kevin Martin worries that someone may now say “fuck” during prime time, “when children are most likely to be in the audience.” Martin excoriated the decision by a “New York Court” and warned “if we can’t prohibit the use of the words “fuck” and “shit” during prime time, Hollywood will be able to say anything they want, whenever they want.” As an AP report in the New York Times slyly noted, however, Martin himself “used the 'F-word' six times and the 'S-word' four times in his statement.” Minors beware.
A New York Times editorial praised the 2nd Circuit’s decision in this case, but over at the Wall Street Journal, editorialists are exercised about the fracas over another word: Liberals opposing the nomination to the federal bench of Mississippi state court judge Leslie Southwick have condemned his concurrence in a decision holding that a state social worker should not be fired for using the word “nigger.” This case, Richmond v Mississippi Department of Human Services, involved an effort by a state agency to fire social worker Bonnie Richmond for referring to a co-worker (outside her presence) as a “good ole nigger.” Richmond apologized to her co-worker, who testified at an administrative hearing that she found the comment offensive and derogatory and suggested that she had been hurt by it; but she said “it was not like there was any real big problem associated with the incident.” The state board hearing this case found that the Department of Human Services had insufficient cause for firing Richmond; the state court on which Leslie Southwick sat upheld that finding (in a decision that Southwick did not write.) Liberal groups like the Alliance for Justice (a group that I respect and support) may have good reason to oppose Southwick’s nomination, but they do not include his concurrence in this case. Richmond’s isolated racial slur, however deplorable, her “fleeting expletive” (for which she apologized) should not be considered actionable workplace harassment and a firing offense anymore than uttering the word “fuck” during prime time should be considered actionable indecency. People so obsessed with words should take seriously the meaning of these two: Free Speech.
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