It's now just five days to election day in Boston, when five 
powerhouse pols vie for four at-large city council seats. (I have been 
greatly impressed by Will Dorcena and Sean Ryan, the other two 
candidates on the ballot, but neither is likely to have a chance at 
cracking the top four.)
All five have won city-wide before. Two 
have run serious campaigns for higher office and may do so again; the 
other three are expected to have higher office in their future. All have
 strong bases of support, experienced staff, devoted volunteers. So, 
this is a major league game of musical chairs. 
Also, five days 
out is when I start considering the weather forecast -- and as of now it
 says Tuesday will be sunny, in the low 60s. Perfect voting weather.
This
 will be a low-turnout affair, with a sharp divide between the city as a
 whole, which is mostly tuned out, and the so-called "supervoters" who 
always show up at the polls. The candidates, understandably, devote all 
their time and resources  (phone calls, door knocks, mailings) on those 
supervoters -- which widens the gap, leaving the rest of the city even 
more uninformed and disengaged, and less likely to participate. 
Those
 who are part of the supervoter subset are not always terribly 
well-informed, but in the at-large field the ones who actually get to 
the polls usually have one or two specific candidates who they know and 
like pretty well. This is also a self-reinforcing electorate trait, 
because campaigns direct their get-out-the-vote efforts at their "ones,"
 which for those of you outside the rarified world of political 
campaigns refers to voters who have told the campaign they are 
definitely voting for that candidate. So, for example the Connolly 
campaign identifies its "ones," and targets its final effort toward 
getting those "ones" to the polling place. Voters who are undecided 
don't get this kind of devoted follow-up, because why would the Connolly
 folks spend its time and resources dragging somebody out who might vote
 for somebody else? 
All of this is true of pretty much all elections, but is intensified in low-turnout affairs like this one. 
In addition, this race is unusual for two reasons. 
First,
 most races are either A) riding down-ballot, with turnout driven by 
something bigger, like a governor's race; or B) itself something big, 
like a governor's race. In both cases, the effort to identify and bring 
out "ones" is really an attempt to affect at the margins, because large 
numbers of voters are just showing up on their own. In this race, 
however, the at-large is the biggest, most high-profile race on the 
ballot (except perhaps in District 3) -- but it's not high-profile 
enough for large numbers of people to just show up for it.
The 
second oddity is that this is a multiple-vote election. In most races, 
getting out your ones is a straightforward, zero-sum thing: if Suzanne 
Lee, for example, gets one of her ones to show up to vote in District 2,
 you chalk up a gain of one for her over Bill Linehan. But in the 
at-large race, when Connolly gets one of his ones to the polls, that 
person can go on to cast three more votes in the same race, for 
Connolly's competitors. 
This long-winded exposition gets me to 
finally making my point, which is that forces in this particular 
election conspire to ensure that the electorate will consist of a fairly
 small number of people, who have definite plans to vote for at least 
one specific candidate, but are probably winging it from there.
Which
 means that there are two big keys to the results. First, how strong is 
each candidate's "base" turnout tomorrow? Second, what does each 
candidate's base do with the rest of their votes? 
Some examples:
--Will
 Michael Flaherty's base voters in Southie, Dorchester, and Charlestown 
"bullet" their guy (ie, use just the one vote)? If so, that probably 
takes votes from Murphy.
--Will Felix Arroyo's base among labor 
follow their locals' endorsements, which in many cases would include 
Ayanna Pressley but not Flaherty? Or do they go with their instincts and
 past votes, which in many cases would be the reverse?
--Will 
Pressley's base among progressives vote to return the four incumbents, 
or will they give a vote to Flaherty, who many of them voted for when he
 teamed up with Sam Yoon in the '09 mayoral race?
--Will 
Connolly's base in West Roxbury follow his advice to return all four 
incumbents, or do they give a vote to the more familiar Flaherty? And if
 so, at whose expense? 
--Will black voters give a vote to 
Dorcena, along with (in most cases) Pressley and Arroyo, leaving them 
only one additional vote? And who gets that vote, if anybody? 
You
 could keep adding questions to this list. Honestly, I think it's 
possible, in guessing the answers to these questions, to construct a 
scenario in which any one of the big five lands in the fifth spot -- 
although some scenarios are considerably more or less likely than 
others.
I believe that Connolly will top the ticket, and Arroyo 
will finish second -- and the other three could end up in any order at 
all.
I have said all along that I thought Ayanna Pressley is the 
most likely of the five to get a rock. But today, from talking to people
 in and around the campaigns, and others plugged in around the city, I 
think the answers to questions like those above are most likely to play 
out in a way that leaves Murphy out.
So if I had to wager right now, I'd predict a final order of 1) Connolly, 2) Arroyo, 3) Flaherty, 4) Pressley, 5) Murphy.
My
 level of confidence in any of that remains low, so I would not be at 
all surprised to be wildly wrong about any of that. But at least the 
weather should be nice.